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The Baltic Defence College’s “Conference on Russia Papers 2022: A Restless Embrace of the Past?” begs a question. How will Russia’s past shape its present and future, both at home and abroad? This volume’s chapters include a wide range of Russian-related topics organized into four main subject groups. The first of these categories is Russian views, with a focus on tendencies toward militarism, Russian understandings of international order, and the effects of COVID-19 on policy. The following subject is about power dynamics and perceptions, with a focus on Russia’s contingent power structures, Russian narratives, and future projections. The third theme centers on the Baltic region’s connection with Russia, investigating Russia’s influence and information warfare from many angles. Finally, the concluding section examines Russian interests around the world, analyzing the position of Belarus', Russia’s options globally, and the potential of a grand vision of Russian foreign policy. The volume concludes by highlighting the challenges of maintaining dialogue in light of recent trends, particularly in the last half decade and especially in the last several months.
This chapter discusses the civilizations in the context of contemporary structural realities of a multipolar world in which two opposite trends are at work at the same time. In view of everything said in the earlier sections of this chapter, civilizations can be suitable components for a world that is materially global but lacks ideational universality. The phenomenon that had become known as globalization by the end of the twentieth century – after decades of discussions about growing global interdependence and its new nature – can be regarded in a broader context as an amalgamation of two process that were unfolding in an interdependent manner over the previous two or three centuries. A materially globalized but ideationally non-universal world – a world that has only ceased to aspire to universality but is actually moving in the opposite direction – has become the contemporary structural reality, with an inherent contradiction at its heart.
This timely and original volume fills the gaps in the existing theoretical and philosophical literature on international relations by problematizing civilization as a new unit of research in global politics. It interrogates to what extent and in what ways civilization is becoming a strategic frame of reference in the current world order.
The book complements and advances the existing field of study previously dominated by other approaches – economic, national, class-based, racial, and colonial – and tests its key philosophical suppositions against countries that exhibit civilizational ambitions. The authors are all leading international scholars in the fields of political theory, IR, cultural analysis, and area studies who deal with various aspects of the civilizational arena.
Offering key chapters on ideology, multipolarity, modernity, liberal democracy, and capitalism, this book extends the existing methodological, theoretical, and empirical debates for IR and area studies scholars globally. It will be of great interest to politicians, public opinion makers, and all those concerned with the evolution of world affairs.
The Cold War period continues to attract a considerable amount of attention from both scholars and practitioners alike. The issues upon which the tensions between the two superpowers originated in the second part of the twentieth century did not change at its core.
The Multiannual Financial Framework for 2021—2027 was adopted during the severe crisis caused by the ongoing coronavirus pandemic. In the face of a rapidly deteriorating economic situation, EU countries took unprecedented steps radically changing the principles of resource allocation in the Union. These included the recovery plan for Europe, making the EU budget conditional on respect for the rule of law and the new EU resources system. This article seeks to identify the essential characteristics of the decisions made within the Multiannual Financial Framework and define their significance for advancing integration. The study attempts to answer two questions: do these decisions mark the transition to a new stage of integration and to what extent do they comply with the law of the Union. Several EU initiatives related to debt redistribution are analysed, along with the impact of these initiatives on Eastern European countries, particularly those of the Baltic Sea region. The research explores the decisions from the standpoint of legal and political science. In particular, it is stressed that, when reaching a compromise on making the budget conditional on respect for the rule of law, the EU and its member states had to use a mechanism for postponing the execution of an act of the Union, which contradicts the basic principles of EU law. From a political point of view, the adoption of a package of legislative acts within the Multiannual Financial Framework means growing dependence of the member states and an increase in solidarity and loyalty within the Union.
Traditionally, the Korean Peninsula has occupied an important place in Russia’s
foreign policy strategy, due both to its geographical proximity to Russia’s Far
Eastern borders and to its geopolitical role. The circumstances on the Korean
Peninsula have a direct influence on the security of Russia’s Far East and North–
East Asia (NEA) as a whole, making the Peninsula naturally one of Russia’s foreign
policy priorities. Officially and unofficially, Russia has two underlying interests
in the Korean Peninsula, as stated repeatedly by Russian officials. Firstly, Russia
has no interest in seeing weapons of mass destruction appear anywhere in the
world, least of all on its borders. Consequently, Russia has consistently taken the
position that international nuclear non-proliferation should be preserved, including
preventing the nuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. Secondly, Russia is worried
about an outbreak of hostilities in Korea. There are reasons for this. Such a war
would be a genuine catastrophe near Russia’s borders, replete with radioactive
contamination of the area and movement of refugees to the Russian Far East, and it
would complicate severely the implementation of Russia’s development strategy for
its Far Eastern regions. Consequently, Moscow is, instead, interested in maintaining
peace, stability and an atmosphere of cooperation on the Korean Peninsula and
in NEA, which would provide an environment conducive to developing Russia’s
economy. Russia is interested more than anyone else in maintaining peace and
stability on the Korean Peninsula, and resolving the problems of the Peninsula,
including the nuclear issue, by exclusively peaceful political and diplomatic means,
whilst respecting the sovereignty and interests of all states involved.
This article examines the Russian project of Greater Eurasia, the reasons for launching such an initiative, and its possible
influence on the current regional and global trends in the field of geopolitics, security policy, and relations between
Russia and the European Union. The article argues that Greater Eurasia, as a developing geo-economic and geostrategic
community, opens up opportunities for Russia and the European project to reset their relationship by creating new
zones of mutual development.
The paper examines the dynamics in relations between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the South Pacific small island states collectively referred to as Pacific island countries (PICs). The specificity of current China’s policy is revealed, the reasons for concern from the PIC perspective are outlined, the aftereffects of the on-going political and security initiatives – the Indo-Pacific Region, the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) and the pact between Australia, the US and the United Kingdom (AUKUS) – on the regional milieu and the PICs are scrutinized. The author argues that although selected aspects of China’s policy is encountering criticism across the region, Beijing outperforms Canberra and Washington. The main reason is predetermined by China’s ability to address the PICs non-traditional security concerns and infrastructure needs, while the policies of Australia and the US are deteriorating the regional milieu, much to the PIC’s disadvantage.
This book analyses different aspects of International and Comparative Law. The monograph was prepared in honour of Dietrich Rauschning, Professor Emeritus of Georg August University Göttingen and Honorary Doctor of Immanuel Kant Baltic Federal University.
The contributors of the book are German and Russian scientists who work and coope- rate with Professor Rauschning. The analyses carried out in this book have been structured in three complementary parts: International, European and Constitutional Law, Internation- al and Comparative Private Law, and Legal Issues of International Cooperation in Combating Crime. In the Part I (Chapters 1—9) the focus shifts to the international dimensions of public law, as well as history and theory of law. The Part II (Chapters 10—11) is focused on issues of the Private International Law and Comparative Private Law. Part III (Chapters 12—14) addresses to particular aspects of international cooperation of combating organized crime.
The book will be of interest to scientists of academic institutions, teachers and students of universities, as well as to everyone who is interested in international law and comparative legal studies.
This article addresses the current confrontation between the United States and China in the context of the history of international relations and civilization expansions. The work demonstrates how most attempts to analyze the essence of this important phenomenon in modern world politics are based on too narrow a view: both from the standpoint of world history and the entire system of modern international relations. The author introduces the concepts of “Westernism” and “Westernist period” in order to describe the modern world. These terms are reminiscent of “Hellenism” and “Hellenistic period”, which the period of the global spread of Western civilizational models. Using world history as an example, the author examines characteristic features of such periods and concludes that the wide geographical spread of the cultural forms of any civilization and the civilizational unity caused by it historically did not lead to complete political unity. As a rule, this spread ended in a period of fragmentation, which in the sense of international relations can be called multipolarity. The author infers that the current Sino-US conflict is neither purely civilizational nor geopolitical, but it demonstrates that civilizationally united westernized world enters a period of political fragmentation. This is how one should understand the process, which in the modern foreign policy language is called the transition from unipolarity to multipolarity.
This article is devoted to the political science analysis of the international climate regime, Russia’s position regarding the implementation of its principles and the EU climate regime. Today, the problem of climate change is fundamental to any society. At the global level, there is an established system of governance under the auspices of the UN, as well as a “green consensus” contending that an increase in the average temperature on Earth is a threat to humankind. The theory of international regimes suggests the existence of an international climate regime, a system of intergovernmental institutions to combat climate change with the UN playing a dominant role (while the participants form a certain common understanding and consensus, and thereby take binding obligations that restrict their actions by established norms and rules). The global consensus is expressed in the implementation of national practices and the development of national approaches. We show that despite the presence of common environmental values, their implementation at the national level occurs in different ways. The Russian approach focuses on adapting to the effects of climate change and finding tools to reduce emissions (by absorbing them, and not only by actually reducing them). This approach is referred to as a loss reduction and benefits reaping strategy. The European Union, already positioning itself as a global environmental leader, is launching a “green perestroika” and opting for a decarbonisation paradigm. This existence of paradigmally different approaches at meso-levels is blurring the system of global environmental governance and leading to its fragmentation. Ultimately, this creates new dividing lines, including ate political and ideological levels. In the medium term, this could contribute to increasing tensions in international relations and world politics.
Political discourse is an integral part of socio-political relations, forms and de- fines a complex linguistic unit, knowledge and actions. Trump’s vehement anti-China rhetoric manifestly shifted the limits of China’s representation in US foreign policy discourse in gen- eral. However, the causal relationship between Trump’s agency and China’s representations is not investigated since there are a multitude of factors at play. Rather, in present study the focus is on how those changes in the Congressional discourse occurred that bred multiple legislations and, as it is argued later, institutionalized a particular antagonistic policy stance towards China. A testimony of this is that, contrary to many projections, Biden’s 2021-22 foreign policy agen- da follows this discursive framework. The quantitative content analysis identified the main focal points and the pivotal value-laden concepts of the discursive change in Congressional representations of China. The analysis further pointed out that the key tendency is the ideologi- zation of Congressional discourse on China. Although China was criticized in Congress during former administrations as an unfair or uncivilized player or actor, now this criticism manifests in antagonistic Cold war binaries, with the centrality of ‘freedom’ and Communist China being the main threat to it. The analysis concludes that the emerging ideological framework recon- struct the meaning of the competition between the US and China in Manichean terms of anti- thetical values and zero-sum game, which has unprecedented since the end of Cold war.
Institutions of the European Union, leading Member States, political elites of the region, who share the approaches of Euro-enthusiasts, put hope on the Conference on the Future of Europe. They expect that it will launch a deep transformation of the EU, give an impetus to its consolidation and deepening of integration, strengthening the international positions and its competitiveness. The Conference on the Future of Europe has absorbed the best that the EU has tried in organizing similar forums. At the same time, it compares favorably with them, since it is built on a network principle using modern information and communication technologies and thereby opens free access to its work. This allows Brussels to assert that the fate of the EU is now determined not by someone else, but by the EU citizens. In addition, it makes it possible to legitimize in advance steps to restructure the European Union, on recommendations that the Conference will prepare. The authors conclude that the pro-European triumvirate of Germany, Italy and France, formed by the beginning of 2022, will not fail in its intentions taking into account the French presidency of the EU Council and the parallel election campaign in the country.
On one hand, this article offers a general overview of the influence of
the COVID-19 pandemic on the global economy with an accent on sectors that
suffered the most; on other hand, – attempts to look at the general development
strategies of great powers, which were amended due to the pandemic.
The article is devoted to a critical review of the collective monograph "Digital Diplomacy and International Organizations" [Zaiotti, Bjola (ed.) 2020]. The authors of the collective monograph depart from the state-centric approach that is characteristic of most studies in the field of digital diplomacy, and consider international government organizations as subjects of communication. The monograph contributes to the study of the role of international organizations in modern international relations, and also allows us to assess the potential of digital diplomacy in increasing their legitimacy and autonomy in the international arena. It has been proven that diplomacy allows international organizations to compensate for the lack of "hard power" in the international arena, increasing the potential for their influence on world political processes.
The article also discusses a number of controversial topics raised in the monograph, including the question of the correctness and validity of using the terms disinformation and fake news. Based on the analysis, promising areas of research in the field of digital diplomacy are outlined, in particular, the problems associated with the digital diplomacy of international organizations working in the field of healthcare, which is especially relevant in modern conditions.
This article examines the views of St. Nicholas of Japan on church-state relations and the status of the Japanese Orthodox Church. These two issues are inextricably linked as while working on creating and developing the Japanese Orthodox Church, St. Nicholas sought to build its relations with the Japanese state, Russian Orthodox Church and Russian state in agreement with his own understanding of Orthodox ideals. His views, therefore, had a direct impact on his activities as well as the status of the Japanese Orthodox Church. The topic has rarely been addressed in scholarly literature devoted to St. Nicholas’s work. The existing research mostly analyses it from a simplistic perspective arguing that from the very beginning St. Nicholas promoted the idea of creating a church as independent of the Russian Orthodox as possible. According to the authors, this view relies on individual comments taken out of context. The issue itself bears a particular significance for establishing how far indigenisation of Orthodoxy can reach; it is also important to discuss the views of St. Nicholas on this issue. The article concludes that it would be a gross oversimplifi cation to assume that St. Nicholas of Japan was a supporter of the independent Japanese Orthodox Church from his early days in Japan. Instead, he advocated for its closer ties with the Russian Orthodox Church as the latter would be a guarantor of the Japanese Church's commitment to true Orthodoxy. Furthermore, St. Nicholas actively resisted those Japanese who supported the premature independence of their Church. While it is true that for pragmatic reasons he occasionally publicly expressed opinions promoting independence, this only took place during a period of growth of anti-Russian sentiments in Japan and St. Nicholas was only doing so to protect the Church from being attacked by its adversaries
China's unprecedented economic growth, which has been going on for 50 years, cannot but arouse close scientific interest in its model, mechanisms and tools. It is difficult to find an analogue of a country that, having started its reformatory path with an income of about $ 200 per capita in 1978, will overcome the psychological barrier of $ 1,000 20 years later, in another 20 years, in 2018, it will reach the level of $ 10,000. The economic focus of scientific interest in this global phenomenon is the evolution of the capital basis of such growth, which does not stop either during the years of the global financial and economic crisis (2007-2009), or during the COVID-19 pandemic in its most dramatic 2020. All this points to the high stability and competitiveness of the Chinese economy, which is in the process of continuous modernization. And the most important tool for such modernization was the transfer of Western innovative technologies, carried out by attracting foreign direct investment (FDI), especially at the initial stages of the implementation of the policy of "reforms and opening up". Further, with the opening of new opportunities associated with China's accession to the WTO at the end of 2001, this was supplemented by the "seizure" of high-tech assets with the help of foreign direct investment (FDI) in the developed economies of the world, and above all in Europe.
In the context of toughening protectionist and “techno-nationalist” trends, China moved, within the framework of the “Dual Circulation” model, to its own version of innovation-oriented development, having reached the USD17,000 milestone much earlier than is prescribed by the experience of developed countries (WEF, 2010, p. ten). Along with the strategic motivation of Chinese FDI, which differs from traditional approaches, this reinforces the idea of the limited applicability of neoclassical theories for the study of Chinese TNCs.
International direct investment is of significant transformational importance for the global competitiveness of fast-growing economies, including the economies of the BRICS countries. The economic basis for such a transformation is created by the corresponding restructuring of the fixed capital from the participating countries, which determines the outstripping growth of GDP, and at the same time of their national wealth. Thanks to its outstripping growth, the BRICS Group has become the most sustainable source of global economic development on the planet. Over the 15 years of its formation and stage-by-stage integration, the BRICS countries have formed a fairly complete picture of workable mechanisms of multilateral investment cooperation at all levels, starting with the MSME level. At the same time, joint and national, both STI-oriented and financial-banking and investment development institutions, which form the institutional infrastructure of their multilateral global cooperation, have been created and are successfully functioning. With a huge and far from investment saturation potential of factors of international production and co-development, the BRICS countries are, to varying degrees, interested in attracting global technology-oriented FDI. However, starting from the initial focus on the development of real production, the BRICS countries going abroad find themselves involuntarily involved in the existing world economic order with the dominance of monetarist methods of managing economic systems and processes. As a result, the national economies of the BRICS inevitably feel the crisis inflationary blows generated by the developed economies.
The article is devoted to the analysis of the perception of European integration and the regional policy of the European Union (EU) among the citizens of modern Spain. Particular attention is paid to the comparison of periods before the COVID-19 pandemic (2019) and after it (October 2021). The purpose of this paper is to identify the opinion of Spanish society on the EU regional policy. The first part of the article presents the analytical framework of the study. The second part describes its methodology. The third part analyzes the opinion polls in Spain, conducted by Eurobarometer. According to the Eurobarometer database, on the one hand, the author notes despite the pandemic, citizens positively assess the impact of the European Union bodies on their everyday life. On the other hand, the pandemic has shown that the states are key actors in the EU decision-making process. The initiative to shape the development of the EU's regional policy still belongs to the Member States, but not to the regions and/or supranational bodies. The scientific significance of the article is that the results of Eurobarometer public opinion polls are generalized. This is the first time when this approach has been used in the study of this topic.