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Canadian politics is alive with references to what oil means to the country and its residents. However, the existing research only intermittently and often superficially discusses how Canada recognizes itself as a petrostate and negotiates its identities in relation to oil. Seeking to fill the gap, this paper offers a nuanced, dynamic, and comprehensive picture of Canadian discursive politics of oil on provincial, federal, and international levels. A systematic intertextual discourse analysis of this heterogeneous collection of texts allows us to achieve two major analytical goals: to reveal the discourses about energy resources that dominate in Canadian politics on federal and provincial levels and to differentiate them from the discourses that are marginalized or even suppressed.
Vladimir Putin’s regime has struggled to restore Russia’s great power status. The discourses that have emerged around Russian energy wealth play a particularly significant role in this struggle and shape Russia’s identity in international relations. These multiple and contradictory understandings of energy resources are encapsulated in the two dominant discourses: the energy superpower and the raw-material appendage discourses. This paper examines these discourses and then demonstrates how they shape Russia’s energy diplomacy toward the European Union (EU).
This book addresses the challenges and opportunities of contemporary and future development of Eurasia. The main theme of the first part of the book is examining the reaction evoked in different countries by the Chinese “Belt and Road Initiative.” The second part analyses other national and international integration and infrastructure projects in Eurasia. This unique publication brings together in one volume works by leading researchers from different countries, all united by their common interest in the political and economic processes unfolding in the Eurasian continent. By offering various points of view from experts from all over the world, this book provides a multi-dimensional analysis of the Eurasian future and will be of value to a wide range of readers, including scholars, publicists, the international business community and decision-makers.
The forecast covers the period up to 2035. It describes dynamic trends that will shape the future of the world during the nearest 20 years. The aim of this study is to foresee the challenges awaiting the world and the forthcoming opportunities which can be used in the interests of the Russian state, ensuring its role as an active participant in the formation of the future world order. The book presents a general analysis of the main trends of world development, its spiritual culture, ideology, politics, innovation, economy, social sphere and interna tional security, the problems of globalization and regionalism. The final section of the book presents strategic recommendations for Russia. Prospective readers of this book include staff members of government institutions and management bodies, research, expert and business communities. It also may be recommended for student scholars of international affairs.
Today，human beings have r apidly entered the digital business era. The competitiveness of economic participants increasingly depends on their ability to capture real -life digital opportunities. The economic participants mentioned here are not only companies，but also the world’s economies that participate in the multilateral dialogue， including the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). After the establishment of ASEAN economic community， ASEAN is eager to seize this opportunity to create a business environment conducive to digital business. The ASEAN ICT Master Plan and The Narrative of Singapore’s ASEAN Chairmanship both reflect ASEAN’s will. The challenge and research topic of this paper is:why ASEAN，as a geographical unit in the fourth industrial revolution，may not be the beneficiary of the digital business era despite its long-term，sustained and focused efforts to enhance commercial attractiveness?
Although R.Baldwin，H.V.Vinayak，F.Thompson，O.Tonby，A.Koty and other researchers have captured selective aspects of this question，so far，in the context of the fourth industrial revolution，especially in the field of digitization and big data，how to accelerate the integration of southeast Asia and ASEAN? The issue has not been thoroughly and meticulously analyzed. The research method of this paper combines qualitative and quantitative methods，and sources of relevant information and data include reports issued by the World Bank，the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development，the ASEAN Secretariat，and the International Statistical Database. The main results of this paper reflect the connection between the coming digital business era and the particularity of the digital business environment in Southeast Asia，and highlight the obstacles of the regional long-term development deficiencies and imbalances to the participation of Southeast Asian countries in the fourth industrial revolution.
While the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has succeeded in developing its project ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), as the on-going digitalization of economic exchanges gains momentum, ASEAN may not be among its benefactors. The puzzle is why ASEAN can fail in developing its present and future multilateral economic projects in the realities of the digitalizing world. The paper reveals the specificity of challenges the association has to resolve so as to maintain the competitiveness of AFTA as the global digitalization intensifies. The author argues that ASEAN lacks sufficient resources to provide AFTA with appropriate digital support and offers recommendations aimed at raising AFTA’s competitiveness.
For the 5th year running, New Perspectives is proud to exclusively publish the English-language version of the IMEMO (Russian Academy of Sciences) 'Russia and the World' Forecast. The 2019 edition focuses on what the Russian Foreign Policy elite see as key issues related to 'Disorder, Power and Resistance' in international affairs. The IMEMO experts highlight difficulties within as well as between what they see as the world's great powers - but also point to the significant cracks in the frameworks that aim to constrain them and regulate their conduct. They point especially to the faltering Arms Control regime, which they see as priority - and problem - no1. The IMEMO report also highlights significant internal challenges for Russia's leadership, ranging from the structural problems of the economy to rising political discontent. For all the critique of others tossed out by the Russian leadership, this forecast shows why Russians may still be envious of conditions elsewhere - and Russia's leaders of other countries' problems.
While the Belt and Road Initiative (the BRI) offers its participants plenty of unique opportunities, the gap between promising economic feedback and disturbing security implications is growing, which undermines the BRI prospects. As the BRI further proceeds, given its global reach and strategic orientation, contradictions between China and its partners will multiply. A case to substantiate this assessment is the BRI implementation in Southeast Asia, which mirrors the challenges this project encounters globally and which can be used as a testing ground for elaborating on effective solutions to tackle the emerging problems. The research question is why cooperation between China and Russia in Southeast Asia can narrow the aforementioned gap, which specific directions are the most promising, and which limiting factors Beijing and Moscow will have to take into consideration. The authors argue that cooperation between China and Russia in Southeast Asia in the BRI context can narrow the spectrum of challenges as well as decrease apprehensions of the ASEAN member states, the BRI generates. Cooperation between China and Russia, in case the latter increases its economic profile in Southeast Asia, has sufficient potential to form the international context conducive to keeping the present and prospective contradictions manageable. This practice, or its components, can be expanded to other regions of Eurasia to the best advantage of China and its BRI partners.
As the digitalization becomes the key factor to raise the competitiveness of companies, as well as of the investment attractiveness of recipient countries, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV) may find it difficult to benefit from this process. The research question is why Vietnam, in spite of successful efforts to increase its investment attractiveness, may miss opportunities presented by the emerging digital business environment. The academic novelty of the paper account for the reveal of the repercussions generated by the global trend towards the digitalization of businesses for Vietnam. The approach to the research question is based upon general academic methods like observation, study of documents and comparison. The primary sources of the paper, a significant part of which is published in the Vietnamese language, include the statistics of Ministry of Finance of Vietnam, Ministry of planning and investment of Vietnam, interviews with the SRV’s government officials, as well as the UNCTAD and the World Bank reports. The principal findings of the study reveal that while Vietnam has succeeded in strengthening its attractiveness as an investment destination, the country still possesses insufficient resources to respond to the forthcoming global digitalization of businesses and incentivize companies to continue investing in the SRV. In this connection, a set of recommendations on how to rectify maters is presented by the authors.
Review of Jonna Nyman's The Energy Security Paradox: Rethinking Energy (In)security in the United States and China.
Review of Sophia Kalantzakos' The EU, US and China Tackling Climate Change. Policies and Alliances for the Anthropocene.
A lot has been written about Agustín de Betancourt, his life in Russia, his contribution to the architecture, construction and organization of the transport system in the Russian Empire, as well as his life, his training and his professional career in Spain. However, little is known about when, how and why he makes the decision to leave his country permanently and settle in Russia. According to the documentation found in both Russian and Spanish archives, it has been shown that it is the Russian ambassador to Spain, Ivan Muravyov-Apostol, who, shortly after his arrival in Spain, at the end of 1803, after personally meeting Betancourt, proposes O. Volosyuk, Concepción Camarero Bullón 41 its contract to Saint Petersburg. Once the approval is obtained, the proposal is transferred. Also, the discrepancies between Manuel Godoy and Betancourt are studied in detail for the work of channeling the Genil river and the intervention in Soto de Roma, Royal Site owned by the minister, which marked the deterioration of the relations between both and took the engineer to consider, negotiate and accept the offer to settle in Russia. Both facts are studied within the framework of his professional career in Spain.
This collection consists of articles by Russian and Vietnamese scientists who participated in the Round table discussion on the subject: “Vietnam—China relations: the difficult search for agreement”, held at the Center for Vietnam and ASEAN studies, Institute for Far Eastern studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, on February 20, 2019 and timed to the 40th anniversary of the 1979 “border war” between China and Vietnam. The volume includes 12 articles by Russian and Vietnamese authors, divided into two parts. The first examines the conflict itself, its causes and consequences, the role of the Soviet Union, the lessons of this war. In the second part, the authors touch upon the actual problems of relations between the two neighboring countries in the period from the normalization of relations in 1991 to the present day. It is aimed at scientists, teachers and students studying Vietnam and China, as well as practitioners in the field of relations with these countries, as well as a wide range of readers.