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Dean — Sergey Karaganov
Deputy Dean (Academic Progress in Undergraduate and Master's Programmes) — Igor Kovalev
Deputy Dean (Finance and Administration) — Denis Medvedev
Deputy Dean (Teaching and Learning and Postgraduate Programmes) — Andrey Suzdaltsev
Deputy Dean for Admissions and Alumni Relations — Ekaterina Entina
The trend on electricity grids digitalization is gradually leading to the shift of busi-ness value towards more sustainable and efficient electricity services. Sustainability and efficiency are challenged by the increasing demand for electricity which is fol-lowed by a dramatic transformation of energy systems. While smart grids seem to be crucial in this process, there is a discrepancy in understanding the costs and benefits for the multiple actors involved. In addition, there are benefits of smart grids that cannot be measured directly in terms of money, such as higher energy system reliabil-ity or commitment to carbon reduction. Despite the rise of interest to the managerial aspects of smart grids implementation and development, many aspects remain out of the scope. This paper contributes to the research of smart grids by providing a con-ceptualized business model that would allow for value co-creation, delivery and cap-ture. A Russian energy sector perspective is primarily considered throughout the pa-per and the results are supported by evidence from interviews with of industrial ex-perts
The growing interest of Russia in development its economic and political ties with Asia makes particular important the Korean vector of the Russian foreign policy. Although Russia tries to maintain equally friendly relations with the Republic of Korea and the DPRK, cooperation with both states has always been affected by a number of negative factors. The present paper aims to show the current state of relationships between Russia, the Republic of Korea and the DPRK, analyzed in the context of recent conceptual changes in the Russian foreign policy, reestablishing dialogue between South Korea and North Korea, and the resumption of direct negotiations between the USA and the DPRK.
The monograph deals with the issues of macroprudential policy that is organically linked to the system of international banking regulation. The author looks into interrelationship between macro- and micro-prudential regulatory mechanisms, explores the role of macroprudential regulation in minimization of systemic risks, as well as the extent to which the effectiveness of macroprudential tools and techniques will help ensure stress resilience of the banking sector. The author also delves into the most disputable topics on the tradeoff between macroprudential regulation and monetary policy. Without doubt the monograph is a landmark book that expands the most complex topic of macroprudential policy in the post-crisis recovery, as well as the specifics of macroprudential regulation in the post-crisis banking regulation paradigm shift.
The institutional aspect of the post-crisis banking regulation reform (Basel III) still remains unsettled, and as such undermines regulators’ efforts in shaping a seamless platform for international financial intermediation. On the other hand, lack of perspectives for global acceptance of the Basel III standards amid internationalization of banking activities is one of the main reasons of regulatory asymmetries that are difficult to handle at the national level. Under these circumstances, efforts of the governments and financial regulators are a central core of their policy in protecting banking sectors from systemic risks: It becomes imperative to bring together national mechanisms of banking regulation and to develop a regional system of regulatory institutions, as is evidenced by the single supervisory mechanism in the euro area countries.
Strengthening stress-resilience of the national banking sectors in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and expansion of banking activities to the Eurasian economic integration will require a conceptual framework of the EAEU banking regulation system. However, different regulatory regimes in the EAEU member states along with the lack of supranational regulatory institutions may slowdown the progress of the Eurasian mechanism of banking regulation. This means that operationalization of the EAEU regulatory mechanism will depend on whether the “mini-Basel III” format as a methodological hub of the regionalization and supranationalization will act as an enabler of resolution of the regulatory trilemma among the feasibility, relevance, and opportunities of supranationalization.
The institutional aspect of “mini-Basel III” is intrinsically linked to the integrity and consistency of the supranational authority for regulation of the EAEU financial markets being an authority documented in the Treaty on the EAEU; however, the costs of regulatory alignment may exceed the advantages of a single-institution regulatory architecture owing to the existent and tacit risks of heterogeneity of the national regulatory models. Stemming from the complex financial sector environment that falls short of valid and reliable institutional fundamentals, we propose alternative scenarios for the EAEU regulatory mechanism that could be sought for optimization of regulatory logistics and algorithms of regulatory alignment. Based on systematization of the benefits and weaknesses of each of the scenarios as well as on comparative analysis as to whether the proposed scenarios would ensure continuum of financial intermediation and financial stability, we found that currently there are no priority approaches to the design of a supranational institutional system in the EAEU. At the same time, identical structure of the national banking sectors together with the least expensive scenario approach could underpin the process of regulatory supranationalization; however, to secure integrity of the EAEU supranational authority, it should be complemented with an authority that would be responsible for coordination of the EAEU-wide regulatory alignment.
The global community confronts a comprehensive and interconnected array of compelling economic, development and security challenges which require effective global governance. At the centre of world governance stand the new plurilateral summit institutions; the G8 and G20, and UN summits on subjects such as sustainable development and climate change. Many observers and participants regard the performance of these summits as inadequate and doubt their ability to cope with increasingly complex and numerous global challenges. This book critically examines how effectively central global institutions comply with their commitments and how their effectiveness can be improved through accountability measures designed to raise compliance and deliver better results. Expert contributors assess compliance and accountability at the key global institutions to provide an important resource for policymakers and scholars in political science, governance and accountability.
Development of Russian electric power industry in recent years is characterized by a multitude of problems and a decrease in a number of performance indicators. It dissatisfies consumers and encourages them to implement various measures to reduce risks and costs of energy supply. This creates preconditions for the emergence of «active» consumers in the domestic electric power industry. Given this trend it would be appropriate to switch from Supply Side Management to Demand Side Management. This will require the implementation of a wide range of measures, including strategic issues of industry development, legal framework and transition to a customer-centric market model.
My book examines the function and development of the cult of saints in Coptic Egypt. For this purpose I focus primarily on the material provided by the texts forming the Coptic hagiographical tradition of the early Christian martyr Philotheus of Antioch, and more specifically – the Martyrdom of St Philotheus of Antioch (Pierpont Morgan M583). This Martyrdom is a reflection of a once flourishing cult which is attested in Egypt by rich textual and material evidence. This text enjoyed great popularity not only in Egypt, but also in other countries of the Christian East, since his dossier includes texts in Coptic, Georgian, Ethiopic, and Arabic. This work examines the literary and historical background of the Martyrdom of Philotheus and similar hagiographical texts. It also explores the goals and concerns of the authors and editors of Coptic martyr passions and their intended audience. I am arguing that these texts were produced in order to perform multiple functions: to justify and promote the cult of a particular saint, as an educational tool, and as an important structural element of liturgical celebrations in honour of the saint.
This article evaluates future freight traffic along the northern latitudinal corridor. It shows possible bottlenecks on the latitudinal main lines connecting the country’s east and west. It also gives historical analogies for making strategic decisions with respect to transport projects in Russia’s Arctic Zone. In addition, it justifies the advisability of using national economic criteria to evaluate large infrastructure projects. It also demonstrates how important it is for annual economic growth of even 2 percent to create a new route across the Ural Range on the border of the Komi Republic, Sverdlovsk Oblast, and Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Okrug.
Since around 2017–2018, the world has been living through a period of progressive erosion, or collapse, of international orders inherited from the past. With the election of Donald Trump and the rapid increase of US containment of Russia and China—which is both a consequence of this gradual erosion and also represents deep internal and international contradictions—this process entered its apogee. A period of collapse opens up possibilities for the creation of a new world order; hopefully, a fairer, stable, and peaceful order than has been previously experienced. Russia has a good chance of influencing the formation a new order.
A rapprochement between Russia and China is clearly taking place today. Yet as cooperation between Moscow and Beijing has increased in recent years, significant differences have emerged between how Russian and Chinese pundits view the relationship and its prospects, on the one hand, and how observers outside the two countries perceive it, on the other. Current U.S. policy takes the contradictory approach of exerting pressure on both countries, surrounding them with military bases, and bolstering inimical military alliances with their neighbors, while at the same time trying to reach separate agreements with each country on specific issues. Such new principles of world order would also serve to restrain emerging powers such as Russia and China that increasingly act at their own discretion in the absence of such rules. However, that would require the United States and its allies to relinquish the monopoly on interpreting international law to which they have become accustomed since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Although Western elites will find this prospect extremely objectionable, the West must inevitably relinquish that dominant role because its influence in world politics is clearly decreasing, while that of other players is growing.
Igor Pellicciari is a tenured professor at the State University of Urbino (Italy) and a senior fellow at the Higher School of Economics (Moscow). He is also contract professor at the Moscow State University and LUISS University (Rome). From 2005 to 2013 he has been a Senior Expert of the European Union for Institution Building Programs, done in cooperation with the Russian Presidential Administration and the Russian Federation Duma.
In order to understand modern Russia and not to fall into the current most common stereotypes (the first and most common one being the image of its current president as a modern Tsar), it should be a prerequisite to analyze the period of the substantial failure of the first Russian constitutionalization which preceded the Soviet government and the entire Soviet period.
This book aims to analyze this period (1905–1907) distinguished by the short but intense liberal era in Russia at the start of the 20th Century. Thanks to this, Russia experienced one of the latest and shortest liberal periods in Europe, in which, however, seeds were launched for the later modern political and institutional development of the country.
It is important to observe the revolution of 1905 and the following convocation of the First Russian Duma in 1906, which evolved into a lost opportunity for the Russian constitutionalization and ultimately ended up being a forgotten liberal revolution. Instead, throughout the decades became predominant Lenin’s narrative of the 1905 events as a general rehearsal towards the hailed and inevitable Glorious Bolshevik Revolution of October 1917, which by contrast, was considered the start of a new era and a strong new legitimate political regime.
Thus, the liberal and constitutionalization potential of the 105 revolution have been for almost a century banned from the official political history of the Soviet Russia.
Nonetheless, today all these events, and especially those generated by the parliamentary institutions, have been reevaluated in the light of their role in inspiring the constitutional transformation of the current post-soviet political system, and have a newly acquired practical significance for the modern institutional development of Russia.
From this perspective, it is more historically understandable the current effort of the Russian Federation to consolidate first and more liberalism and Rule of Law reforms before dealing with the issue of a full and true procedural democratization of the country.
The G20 and the BRICS grouping of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa were born in a crowded world of international institutions in the wake of the 2008 financial and economic crisis. The G20 pledged to manage the crisis, reform international financial institutions and devise a new global consensus. Designated by its members as a premier forum for international economic cooperation, the G20 became transformed into the “hub of a global network” operating on the universal principles of rationality, norms building and openness. The BRICS committed to fostering cooperation, policy coordination and political dialogue on international economic and financial matters and reform of international institutions to reflect changes in the world economy. Set up to tighten economic ties and promote fair and more equitable multipolar order and global governance, the BRICS entered into its second “Golden Decade” as a concert of rising powers rapidly institutionalizing and gradually generating stronger political influence.
Contrary to the popular narrative of ‘return’, the spheres of influence that have destabilized Ukraine are not a throwback to the nineteenth century. They are something new. What makes them new is explained here in a story of a failed experiment to escape geopolitics in a region between the borders of an enlarged European Union (EU) and Russia. This project created a ‘grey zone’ of overlapping authority, jurisdiction and allegiance out of which new spheres of influence emerged. Ukraine’s geopolitical misfortune was to be included into this ‘grey zone’. The logic of this new narrative of the Ukraine crisis is worked out with reference to the literature on neo-medievalism – a political theory that develops a critique of supranational projects like European integration.
The past few decades have witnessed the development of an increasingly globalised and multipolar world order, in which the demand for multilateralism becomes ever more pronounced. The BRICS group established in 2009, has evolved into a plurilateral summit institution recognized both by sceptics and proponents as a major participant in the international system.
Addressing the BRICS’s role in global governance, this book critically examines the club’s birth and evolution, mechanisms of inter-BRICS cooperation, its agenda priorities, BRICS countries’ interests, decisions made by members, their collective and individual compliance with the agreed commitments, and the patterns of BRICS engagement with other international institutions. This volume advances the current state of knowledge on global governance architecture, the BRICS role in this system, and the benefits it has provided and can provide for world order.
This book will interest scholars and graduate students who are researching the rise and role of emerging powers, global governance, China and India’s approach to global order and relationship with the United States, Great Power politics, democratization as a foreign policy strategy, realist theory-building and hegemonic transitions, and the (crisis of) liberal world order.
The five Central Asian states, emerging from the failed Soviet Union, chose different ways to become successful in an increasingly globalized world. They have traveled a long way in the 25 years of independence. However, they still hardly have a clue or even properly reflect on a few security-related dilemmas, which shape their economic and foreign policies. From the early days of independence Central Asian states had three aspirations: internal stability, regional egoism, and international cooperation. All three naturally emerged as reactions to regional and international realities existing in conditions of the Soviet Union’s collapse. These natural inclinations had a lot of influence on Central Asians’ policies, ultimately underlying three dilemmas—namely, reforms versus internal security, regional cooperation versus securitization and international diversification versus external security. Within these dilemmas, internal reforms and regional and external cooperation were bound by security considerations. This chapter will demonstrate how the three dilemmas were sustained and managed through shifting regional and international conditions over more than two decades. In the last decade, two more dilemmas emerged, namely globalization versus regionalization and economic development versus geopolitics. While the foundations for these dilemmas are already in place they remain low-key so far.
With many predicting the end of US hegemony, Russia and China's growing cooperation in a number of key strategic areas looks set to have a major impact on global power dynamics. But what lies behind this Sino-Russian rapprochement? Is it simply the result of deteriorated Russo-US and Sino-US relations or does it date back to a more fundamental alignment of interests after the Cold War? This book by leading expert on Sino-Russian relations Alexander Lukin attempts to answerthese questions by offering a deeply-informed and nuanced assessment of Russia andChina's ever-closer ties. Tracing the evolution of this partnership from the 1990s to the present day, he shows how economic and geopolitical interests drove the two counties together in spite of political and cultural differences. Key areas of cooperation and possible conflict are explored from bilateral trade and investment to immigration andsecurity. Ultimately, Lukin argues that China and Russia's informal alliance is part of agrowing system of cooperation in the non-Western world, which has also seen theemergence of a new political community: Greater Eurasia. Combining accessibility withexpert sensitivity to the complexities of the subject, Lukin's vision of the new China-Russia rapprochement will be essential reading for anyone interested in understanding this evolving partnership and the way in which it is altering the contemporary geopolitical landscape.