This year our faculty is situated in several buildings:
Moscow 119017 Russia
17/1 Malaya Ordynka Str.
Tel: +7 (495) 771-32-52
Dean — Sergey Karaganov
Deputy Dean (Academic Progress in Undergraduate and Master's Programmes) — Igor Kovalev
Deputy Dean (Finance and Administration) — Denis Medvedev
Deputy Dean (Teaching and Learning and Postgraduate Programmes) — Andrey Suzdaltsev
Deputy Dean for Admissions and Alumni Relations — Ekaterina Entina
The trend on electricity grids digitalization is gradually leading to the shift of busi-ness value towards more sustainable and efficient electricity services. Sustainability and efficiency are challenged by the increasing demand for electricity which is fol-lowed by a dramatic transformation of energy systems. While smart grids seem to be crucial in this process, there is a discrepancy in understanding the costs and benefits for the multiple actors involved. In addition, there are benefits of smart grids that cannot be measured directly in terms of money, such as higher energy system reliabil-ity or commitment to carbon reduction. Despite the rise of interest to the managerial aspects of smart grids implementation and development, many aspects remain out of the scope. This paper contributes to the research of smart grids by providing a con-ceptualized business model that would allow for value co-creation, delivery and cap-ture. A Russian energy sector perspective is primarily considered throughout the pa-per and the results are supported by evidence from interviews with of industrial ex-perts
The growing interest of Russia in development its economic and political ties with Asia makes particular important the Korean vector of the Russian foreign policy. Although Russia tries to maintain equally friendly relations with the Republic of Korea and the DPRK, cooperation with both states has always been affected by a number of negative factors. The present paper aims to show the current state of relationships between Russia, the Republic of Korea and the DPRK, analyzed in the context of recent conceptual changes in the Russian foreign policy, reestablishing dialogue between South Korea and North Korea, and the resumption of direct negotiations between the USA and the DPRK.
The global community confronts a comprehensive and interconnected array of compelling economic, development and security challenges which require effective global governance. At the centre of world governance stand the new plurilateral summit institutions; the G8 and G20, and UN summits on subjects such as sustainable development and climate change. Many observers and participants regard the performance of these summits as inadequate and doubt their ability to cope with increasingly complex and numerous global challenges. This book critically examines how effectively central global institutions comply with their commitments and how their effectiveness can be improved through accountability measures designed to raise compliance and deliver better results. Expert contributors assess compliance and accountability at the key global institutions to provide an important resource for policymakers and scholars in political science, governance and accountability.
Development of Russian electric power industry in recent years is characterized by a multitude of problems and a decrease in a number of performance indicators. It dissatisfies consumers and encourages them to implement various measures to reduce risks and costs of energy supply. This creates preconditions for the emergence of «active» consumers in the domestic electric power industry. Given this trend it would be appropriate to switch from Supply Side Management to Demand Side Management. This will require the implementation of a wide range of measures, including strategic issues of industry development, legal framework and transition to a customer-centric market model.
A rapprochement between Russia and China is clearly taking place today. Yet as cooperation between Moscow and Beijing has increased in recent years, significant differences have emerged between how Russian and Chinese pundits view the relationship and its prospects, on the one hand, and how observers outside the two countries perceive it, on the other. Current U.S. policy takes the contradictory approach of exerting pressure on both countries, surrounding them with military bases, and bolstering inimical military alliances with their neighbors, while at the same time trying to reach separate agreements with each country on specific issues. Such new principles of world order would also serve to restrain emerging powers such as Russia and China that increasingly act at their own discretion in the absence of such rules. However, that would require the United States and its allies to relinquish the monopoly on interpreting international law to which they have become accustomed since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Although Western elites will find this prospect extremely objectionable, the West must inevitably relinquish that dominant role because its influence in world politics is clearly decreasing, while that of other players is growing.
Igor Pellicciari is a tenured professor at the State University of Urbino (Italy) and a senior fellow at the Higher School of Economics (Moscow). He is also contract professor at the Moscow State University and LUISS University (Rome). From 2005 to 2013 he has been a Senior Expert of the European Union for Institution Building Programs, done in cooperation with the Russian Presidential Administration and the Russian Federation Duma.
In order to understand modern Russia and not to fall into the current most common stereotypes (the first and most common one being the image of its current president as a modern Tsar), it should be a prerequisite to analyze the period of the substantial failure of the first Russian constitutionalization which preceded the Soviet government and the entire Soviet period.
This book aims to analyze this period (1905–1907) distinguished by the short but intense liberal era in Russia at the start of the 20th Century. Thanks to this, Russia experienced one of the latest and shortest liberal periods in Europe, in which, however, seeds were launched for the later modern political and institutional development of the country.
It is important to observe the revolution of 1905 and the following convocation of the First Russian Duma in 1906, which evolved into a lost opportunity for the Russian constitutionalization and ultimately ended up being a forgotten liberal revolution. Instead, throughout the decades became predominant Lenin’s narrative of the 1905 events as a general rehearsal towards the hailed and inevitable Glorious Bolshevik Revolution of October 1917, which by contrast, was considered the start of a new era and a strong new legitimate political regime.
Thus, the liberal and constitutionalization potential of the 105 revolution have been for almost a century banned from the official political history of the Soviet Russia.
Nonetheless, today all these events, and especially those generated by the parliamentary institutions, have been reevaluated in the light of their role in inspiring the constitutional transformation of the current post-soviet political system, and have a newly acquired practical significance for the modern institutional development of Russia.
From this perspective, it is more historically understandable the current effort of the Russian Federation to consolidate first and more liberalism and Rule of Law reforms before dealing with the issue of a full and true procedural democratization of the country.
The G20 and the BRICS grouping of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa were born in a crowded world of international institutions in the wake of the 2008 financial and economic crisis. The G20 pledged to manage the crisis, reform international financial institutions and devise a new global consensus. Designated by its members as a premier forum for international economic cooperation, the G20 became transformed into the “hub of a global network” operating on the universal principles of rationality, norms building and openness. The BRICS committed to fostering cooperation, policy coordination and political dialogue on international economic and financial matters and reform of international institutions to reflect changes in the world economy. Set up to tighten economic ties and promote fair and more equitable multipolar order and global governance, the BRICS entered into its second “Golden Decade” as a concert of rising powers rapidly institutionalizing and gradually generating stronger political influence.
With many predicting the end of US hegemony, Russia and China's growing cooperation in a number of key strategic areas looks set to have a major impact on global power dynamics. But what lies behind this Sino-Russian rapprochement? Is it simply the result of deteriorated Russo-US and Sino-US relations or does it date back to a more fundamental alignment of interests after the Cold War? This book by leading expert on Sino-Russian relations Alexander Lukin attempts to answerthese questions by offering a deeply-informed and nuanced assessment of Russia andChina's ever-closer ties. Tracing the evolution of this partnership from the 1990s to the present day, he shows how economic and geopolitical interests drove the two counties together in spite of political and cultural differences. Key areas of cooperation and possible conflict are explored from bilateral trade and investment to immigration andsecurity. Ultimately, Lukin argues that China and Russia's informal alliance is part of agrowing system of cooperation in the non-Western world, which has also seen theemergence of a new political community: Greater Eurasia. Combining accessibility withexpert sensitivity to the complexities of the subject, Lukin's vision of the new China-Russia rapprochement will be essential reading for anyone interested in understanding this evolving partnership and the way in which it is altering the contemporary geopolitical landscape.
This article aims to identify effects of client orientation on business models of central power generation companies.
Five major Russian wholesale electricity market players were selected for the analysis conducted applying A. Osterwalder and Y. Pigneur’s ‘Business Model Canvas’. To identify the changes induced by client orientation, the progress of companies’ business models was traced over 6 years; from 2009 to 2015.
Five major trends in business model changes due to client orientation were identified:
1. Declaration of client orientation and adoption of client service standards;
2. Advent of business diversification in favor of engineering, construction, service, operation and maintenance of generating facilities;
3. Increase in vertical integration;
4. Increase in diversity of communication channels with consumers;
5. Increase in diversity of customer relationships.
The results were compared with those obtained in international studies. Conclusions about international and local character of the trends are presented.
The study contributes to knowledge of current and upcoming changes in the business of central power generation triggered by the advent of electricity prosumers. It is valuable both for management decision makers and theorists.
For the first time after D. H. Müller’s pioneering studies of the 1900s, a large body of folklore texts in Soqotri becomes available to the Semitological scholarship. The language is spoken by ca. 100.000 people inhabiting the island Soqotra (Gulf of Aden, Yemen). Soqotri is among the most archaic Semitic languages spoken today, whereas the oral literature of the islanders is a mine of deeply original motifs and plots. Texts appear in transcription, English and Arabic translations, and an Arabic-based native script. Philological annotations deal with grammatical, lexical and literary features, as well as realia. The Glossary accumulates all words attested in the volume. The Plates provide a glimpse into the fascinating landscapes of the island and the traditional lifestyle of its inhabitants.
Country Report Russian section
The paper provides the target model for innovative ecosystem of Russian power industry. The system is based upon the key attributes of the ecosystem, which were revealed within the theoretical part of the paper: limited state intervention, free interaction of the participants and the availability of proper infrastructure. At the same time the proposed target model provides a solution for the current problems of existing prototypes of ecosystem in the Russian power industry via integrating the key actors with the focus on delivering added value to the end user.
The idea of Eurasia per se is not nearly as old as that of its constituent parts – Europe and Asia. The latter two date back to ancient Greece, whereas, according to some accounts, not until the 1880s did the Austrian geologist Eduard Suess first coin the term “Eurasia.” His idea was to fashion a union of the two divided parts of a single continent as a demonstration of their inherent unity – initially in the geologic and geographic sense, and later, in the social and political sense.
This paper argues that Russia’s strategic objective of developing its Asiatic regions is tied
to its serious intentions in Asia as a whole. It stresses that Russia can only connect to the
political, economic, and cultural life of Eurasia and the Asia-Pacific through its own Asian
regions. Moreover, leaders’ claims that Russia belongs to both Europe and Asia will carry
little weight with their Asiatic neighbors if Russia’s own Asiatic regions remain underdeveloped
and subject to shrinking populations. The paper critically analyzes the results of
various projects of development of Asiatic Russia beginning from late tsarist period until
the 21st century and shows that Russia needs to put forward a formal strategy for developing
the Eurasian infrastructure that is comparable to the SREB, Kazakhstan’s NurlyZhol
(Bright Path) economic stimulus plan, Mongolia’s Steppe Road, and others. This strategy
should reflect Russia’s objectives for the economic development of its own Asiatic regions,
and through them, the co-development with its neighbors of Eurasia generally. It argues
that the Trans-Eurasian Belt Development, put forward by several Russia think tanks, could
become Russia’s contribution to the development of the Eurasian space and mesh with the
Chinese, Kazakh, Mongolian, and other partner initiatives. Its implementation would help
spur the economic development of Asiatic Russia, enabling that region to become part of
the larger economic development of Eurasia. That would help turn Russia into a more important
independent and constructive player in the Eurasian space, acting in close coordination
with its partners in both the East and the West.
In Chapter 11, “Explaining G20 and BRICS compliance,” Marina Larionova, Mark Rakhmangulov and Andrey Shelepov explore the internal and external factors influencing G20 and BRICS compliance. They examine, in turn, the G20 and BRICS’ commitments, their compliance and the distribution of commitments and compliance across issue areas, covering the G20 from 2008 to 2014 and the BRICS from 2011 to 2015. As internal causes of compliance, they examine and compare the trends in the compliance catalysts of priority placement, numerical targets, time lines, self-accountability pledges and mandates to implement and/or monitor the commitments’ implementation. As external causes, they focus on the demand for collective actions and the club members’ collective power to respond and deliver on the pledges made. They then explore if self-accountability measures built by the institutions in response to the demand for effectiveness and legitimacy facilitate compliance. They next highlight the catalysts, causes of compliance and their combinations with the greatest power to incentivize implementation. They conclude that a shared sense of urgency for collective actions and a systemic self-accountability measure incentivize implementation, with the catalyst of a self-accountability measure raising compliance and the catalyst of a numerical target lowering it.
Growing revenues from the extraction of natural resources and problems of poverty formed the basis of the proposals for the expansion of the borders of transparency. This will facilitate the implementation of the so-called extractive industries transparency initiative (EITI).
For developing economies, the nurturing of the initiative for now is more of a prospect. The lack of developed institutions will not allow controlling the credibility of the changes, and the expansion of the boundaries of information transparency will come across the undesirable international legal consequences of participation in the EITI.
The article explores how Rwandan history and its pivotal events are interpreted by Colonel Théoneste Bagosora, one of the chief instigator and mastermind of the 1994 genocide. It argues that this interpretation is shaped entirely by Bagosora’s politicoideological goals and intentions. His approach is based on the binary black-andwhite ethnicized vision of national history and it is tainted by racial and ethnic prejudices. By viewing history in this way, Bagosora tries to justify the mass killing of the Tutsis in April–July 1994 and to absolve himself and other extremist Hutu leaders of responsibility for one of the greatest tragedies in the history of mankind. The historical arguments he developed and systematized have become the basis of all subsequent attempts to deny, minimize or justify the 1994 genocide.