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This paper is aimed at the development of a tool analysing the AAI results for the Russian older citizens from different population groups, as well as at identifying factors underlying the inequalities in active ageing outcomes by calculation the AAI on the national and individual levels. The adaptation of the methodology of the AAI to the individual-level data and the limitations of the approach are explicitly explained. The older generations of Russia show relatively high levels of education, financial security and engagement in family care, especially in the care to children. The most significant potential for development have employment, volunteering, political engagement, physical activity, lifelong learning and use of the Internet. The calculation of the AAI at the individual level has revealed significant inequalities in the degree of realisation of potential in different areas of active ageing. The results of the project provide scientific evidence for the implementation of policy measures in the target groups. The high correlation of the index values with human capital indicators (health and education) underlines the importance of the early interventions aimed at promoting and supporting human capital at the earlier stages of the life course till the old age. The substantial positive connection of employment with other forms of activity stresses the necessity of developing a package of activation policy measures aimed at the retention of older adults in the labour market. At the same time, the statistical analysis showed the absence of a “dilemma of choice” between certain types of activity of the older generation, for example, between caring for grandchildren and employment, or employment and volunteering - the potential in different areas may be increased simultaneously.
Global climate change is a key challenge to the global economy in the twenty-first century. To address it properly, a combination of mitigation and adaptation strategies is required. Although the responsibility for adaptation lies primarily with national governments (though, even here, poorer countries need international support), mitigation is one of the key fields of international cooperation. There is little chance that the fundamental objective of stopping global temperatures from rising more than 2 °С can be reached without a stable and comprehensive global governance system. The current international climate change regime based on the Paris Agreement is insufficient to prevent catastrophic climate change. Deeper cooperation between leading economies is especially necessary, including among those that are now reluctant to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.
This paper explores the consequences of different policy assumptions and the derivation of globally consistent, national low-carbon development pathways for the seven largest greenhouse gas (GHG)–emitting countries (EU28 as a bloc) in the world, covering approximately 70% of global CO2 emissions, in line with their contributions to limiting global average temperature increase to well below 2 °C as compared with pre-industrial levels. We introduce the methodology for developing these pathways by initially discussing the process by which global integrated assessment model (IAM) teams interacted and derived boundary conditions in the form of carbon budgets for the different countries. Carbon budgets so derived for the 2011–2050 period were then used in eleven different national energy-economy models and IAMs for producing low-carbon pathways for the seven countries in line with a well below 2 °C world up to 2050. We present a comparative assessment of the resulting pathways and of the challenges and opportunities associated with them. Our results indicate quite different mitigation pathways for the different countries, shown by the way emission reductions are split between different sectors of their economies and technological alternatives.
On June 29, 2019, the Russian president Vladimir Putin and Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo met for the 26th time, this time at the G20 summit in Osaka. The long-standing territorial dispute between Russia and Japan continues to be an issue, but the dialogue revealed a few interesting trends. Abe emphasised “strategic importance” of strengthening relations with Moscow in political and economic sphere as well as that of joint projects on the disputed isles, which could eventually help facilitate the conclusion of a peace treaty. Putin also stressed the significance of bilateral documents signed during his visit to Japan. He asserted that expanding partnership and strategic communication, bilateral trade and investment cooperation would bring Russian-Japanese relations to a qualitatively new level. In this atmosphere, it would be possible to ‘find a compromise on the most difficult matters.’ It appears that both parties are delaying the territorial dispute resolution in the hope that building a firm partnership could help solve the problem.
Canadian politics is alive with references to what oil means to the country and its residents. However, the existing research only intermittently and often superficially discusses how Canada recognizes itself as a petrostate and negotiates its identities in relation to oil. Seeking to fill the gap, this paper offers a nuanced, dynamic, and comprehensive picture of Canadian discursive politics of oil on provincial, federal, and international levels. A systematic intertextual discourse analysis of this heterogeneous collection of texts allows us to achieve two major analytical goals: to reveal the discourses about energy resources that dominate in Canadian politics on federal and provincial levels and to differentiate them from the discourses that are marginalized or even suppressed.
A society that allows glaring inequality is likely to pay a higher price for getting out of the crisis caused by the pandemic, a Valdai Club expert says. This means more deaths, greater impoverishment risks for a part of the population, and most likely a deeper crisis. So, addressing the problem of excessive income inequality is a prerogative for more than just social policy.
The trend on electricity grids digitalization is gradually leading to the shift of busi-ness value towards more sustainable and efficient electricity services. Sustainability and efficiency are challenged by the increasing demand for electricity which is fol-lowed by a dramatic transformation of energy systems. While smart grids seem to be crucial in this process, there is a discrepancy in understanding the costs and benefits for the multiple actors involved. In addition, there are benefits of smart grids that cannot be measured directly in terms of money, such as higher energy system reliabil-ity or commitment to carbon reduction. Despite the rise of interest to the managerial aspects of smart grids implementation and development, many aspects remain out of the scope. This paper contributes to the research of smart grids by providing a con-ceptualized business model that would allow for value co-creation, delivery and cap-ture. A Russian energy sector perspective is primarily considered throughout the pa-per and the results are supported by evidence from interviews with of industrial ex-perts
Vladimir Putin’s regime has struggled to restore Russia’s great power status. The discourses that have emerged around Russian energy wealth play a particularly significant role in this struggle and shape Russia’s identity in international relations. These multiple and contradictory understandings of energy resources are encapsulated in the two dominant discourses: the energy superpower and the raw-material appendage discourses. This paper examines these discourses and then demonstrates how they shape Russia’s energy diplomacy toward the European Union (EU).
This study analyses EU and Lithuanian documents on countering disinformation/fake news to present the plurality of the Union’s approaches to ensuring resilience. Currently, there are three approaches to the problem in the EU. The first one, used by the European Commission, is the recognition of citizens’ right to information as well as of the need to promote critical thinking and information literacy. This approach fits into the adaptive paradigm of action in the information space and the concept of autopoietic resilience. The second approach, taken by the European External Action Service, is to expose fake news and the media spreading it. In combining adaptive and paternalistic paradigms of action in the information space, this approach employs a more static interpretation of resilience. Lithuania has adopted a third approach, which is dominated by the paternalistic paradigm and homeostatic resilience. This approach consists of the state isolating citizens from certain information. Thus, the popular use of the term ‘resilience’ in the EU disguises the plurality of approaches to both disinformation and resilience itself. Theoretically, this study draws on the concept of resilience and paradigms for countering disinformation/fake news. Methodologically, it relies on critical discourse analysis. The article suggests several possible causes of intra-EU differences in countering disinformation/fake news/propaganda and interpreting resilience.
The article opens with a brief overview of the provisions of the Treaty on the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) establishing the general principles and rules of competition. It further presents a detailed analysis of the main features and characteristics of the EAEU competition law. Among the issues discussed in this article is the direct effect and direct applicability of the general rules of competition, the relation between EAEU and national competition law provisions as well as the division of competence between the Eurasian Economic Commission and national competition authorities. The relevant features and provisions of EAEU competition law, such as the notion of 'coordination of economic activity' are analysed through the prism of the EAEU Court's advisory opinions. The authors also use a comparative approach drawing parallels and underlining the differences with EU law and the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). Finally, the authors also examine the mechanisms of judicial protection available under EAEU law to economic entities in the field of competition law.
This chapter provides a synopsis of the economic dimensions of the Barents Sea Region. It discusses the economic value of different resources, including fisheries and aquaculture, oil and gas development, mining, and tourism, as well as the economic potential of other resources like wave energy and genetic resources in both the Norwegian and Russian components of the Barents Sea Region. The main features of the economies of the Barents Sea Region include: orientation to the development of natural resources (organic and inorganic) and biological resources (fish and sea animals) together with economic activities molded by the traditional way of life of indigenous peoples of the Arctic region and largely aimed at meeting their needs.
Historically, extreme remoteness and cold have left the Bering Strait region sparsely populated and economically undeveloped. Costs are very high and infrastructure is minimal. Economies are undeveloped, and based primarily on mining and government. Population densities are very low. A high proportion of residents are Natives for whom subsistence hunting and fishing remain important sources of food. In the future, environmental, economic, political and technological factors are likely to bring increased economic activity to the region—although the timing and scale of future economic change are difficult to predict. Economic activities most likely to grow include marine transportation; onshore and offshore mineral and hydrocarbon development; land-based and cruise ship tourism; commercial fishing; and government services and infrastructure needed to support economic and population growth. The nature, timing and scale of growth will depend on a wide range of factors including change in ice conditions, the extent of future resource discoveries; and the extent to which governments make development of the region an economic and strategic priority. Significant economic activities in the Bering Strait region for which shared governance issues are currently or likely to become important include marine subsistence, marine transportation, offshore oil and gas development, commercial fishing, and cruise ship tourism.
The modern system of global governance consists of a number of regimes in different issue-areas: security, finance, trade, investment and many other areas of global competition and cooperation. Despite a seemingly inexhaustible variety of those regimes, all of them may be classified by a finite (and small) number of governance structures. In our research, we defined seven types of governance structures, top–down: from global hierarchical coordinating bodies with powerful enforcement tools to a free international market. International actors based their choice of governance structures on a countable number of factors. Academic researchers working within the framework of transaction cost economics, primarily at the micro-level, investigated these factors.
This chapter seeks to identify the set of factors that played an important role in the choice of current modes of global governance, to trace their recent changes and to elucidate the economic rationale for the apparent or forecasted evolution of those governance structures. We focus our investigation on several global governance regimes—for energy, the environment and trade. Although these areas are transforming as the economic environment shifts, they nevertheless display patterns common to the general evolution of governance structures.
This paper proposes a methodological approach to analyzing the evolution of the stability of socioeconomic systems and to assessing the risk of their possible instability based on the use of mathematical modeling methods. In this paper, a basic model is presented, which allowsing us to describe the joint dynamics of processes in the economic, organizational, and socio psychological areas of the society. The model showsallows us to see at what parameters of the socioeconomic system its steady functioning is possible, and at which it is impossible. It is shown that the transition from its steady state to an its unsteady one is not smooth but rather occurs as a leap. This methodology is applied to the analysis of stability and change in the Egyptian socioeconomic system after 2010.
Eastern Syriac mystical writers in describing the way of the solitude leading to the state of Union with God used different Syriac words meaning ‘face’(appē, quḇlā and parṣōpā).The usage of the idea of ‘face’ in the mystical theology has been predefined by the medical and theological (trinitarian and especially Christological) usage. In theology face was an expression of the idea of person (qnōmā) and was used to denote God in relation to a Man. Syriac Gallenic medicine knew that the face was an external expression of the brain conveyed by nervous impulses. In the ascetical thought of the Eastern Syriac mystics face of the man expressed sorrow (contrition) or joy (sense of the Union) – main emotions of the ascetic. In the highest mystical sense the ‘Face’ as in theology is a metaphor for the Encounter with God. This is the last and the highest goal of the human. An ascetic is dealing with his physical face as with a part of the self, an object to transfigure or efface. The goal is to make of it a reflection of eternal light or joy, which accompanies the ascetic toward the last stage of the Union with God which is called ‘Seeing God’s Face’.
This article discusses the role of spokesperson in Russia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA). A spokesperson’s official role in frontline diplomacy is viewed and analyzed through the lens of public diplomacy to promote a nation-state’s foreign policy when engaging with foreign audiences and influencing public opinion. This article first investigates the history and approaches for Soviet-acting spokespersons who primarily targeted Americans and Western Europeans through the media and TV, although in accordance with mutually accepted conditions of hosting states. The article then assesses changes in world politics and communication technologies and evaluates the digital public diplomacy dimension that has shaped the spokesperson’s communication strategies. Finally, the article evaluates current Russian MFA spokesperson Maria Zakharova’s responsibilities and identifies the strategies she embraces when communicating with targeted audiences. The article concludes that the role of a spokesperson in Russian public diplomacy is increasingly prominent and has moved far beyond a mouthpiece.
This article compares resistance movements along the western borderlands of the Soviet Union between 1944 and 1952. Despite similar levels of state repression and local grievances, Moldova’s opposition movement did not escalate to the level of civil war, whereas civil wars emerged across the Baltic states, Belarus, and Ukraine. Through theory development and testing, the article compares Lithuania and Moldova, identifying the role of previous regime behaviour, the speed of Soviet takeover, and the availability of safe havens within Moldova and Lithuania as the key causal factors explaining the difference.