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Pyongyang is often used as a metonym for North Korea's leaders and the issues their policies create for the world. However, the profound internal changes rapidly transforming the city since the 1990s make Pyongyang a fascinating urban case study. This profile is an attempt to shed light on one of the most ‘mysterious’ cities in the world; firstly, through analysis of its socio-economic dynamics and, secondly, by examining its possible transformation into a post-socialist city through a comparison of its spatial characteristics with Central and East European capitals. We also consider how the city retains substantial state socialist characteristics.
South Korea has experienced many socio-political milestones since 1945 and one of these was the April 19th Revolution of 1960 (4.19 Revolution). Through analysis of sites of memory, commemorative practices and images in school textbooks, this paper demonstrates the integration of the historical memory of the 4.19 Revolution into the political nexus. The paper considers memory of the 4.19 Revolution and other moments of South Korean struggle and transformation as ‘postmemory.’ The author concludes that the 4.19 Revolution’s memory is cherished now because it helps to form South Korean national self-identity as progressive and democratic contributing to sustaining participatory civic culture.
This article attempts to contextualize the reasons for the emergence and subsequent evolution of Putinism in contemporary Russia. The authors argue that Putinism as a system will definitely outlive Putin, whose presidency expires in 2036, taking into account the changes to the Constitution made in 2020. The survival of Putinism will hinge upon an algorithm affected by a range of domestic factors. They include unconditional support of the current system and Putin as the President by the majority of Russia’s populace, a tame and disciplined elite, as well as tight governmental control exercised over media, elites, and masses. The authors argue that the so-called “deep people” represent one among many Russian collective identities. The authors conclude that a current system obtains enough potential to see Putinism thrive long after Putin.
In world history, 2020 will forever remain a year of serious humanitarian and economic upheavals that have further changed the geopolitical alignment of key actors in the system of international relations. In this regard, the concepts of Greater Eurasia and Greater Europe, which were held as two significant narratives present in the international academic and political discussion, are particularly interesting.
The main questions of this research are whether consensus is possible and what are the prospects for geopolitical interaction between the projects of Greater Eurasia and Greater Europe, taking into account the interests of Russia, how will this affect the system of international relations and the environment of macro-regional security? The article discusses the opportunities for cooperation between Greater Eurasia and Greater Europe, as well as the key principles of internal interaction between the participants. Russia, being a key link in this context, can act as a guarantor of trade and economic, geostrategic and political stability.
The authors conclude that Greater Eurasia and greater Europe are geopolitical representations created by the key actors of the European and Eurasian space for various options for adapting their plans to reality, and conflicts and security challenges that arise on the periphery of these two associations and their great powers can jeopardize not only European but also the entire global security. To prevent this, countries need to review the existing Eurasian and European security architecture, based on the principles of mutual respect, cooperation and parity.
The article is based entirely on qualitative analysis and does not refer to quantitative arguments or statistical data. The methodological platform for the research is the geopolitical analysis.
ARTICULATION OF ISSUE: in order to regulate certain types of cross-border social relations states begin to form intersystem legal entities starting from the 19th century. During the 20th and at the beginning of the 21st centuries, the qualitative and quantitative characteristics of the structural elements of such formations underwent significant changes, the establishment of which is of both scientific and practical interest.
Purpose: to determine the general dynamics of the formation and development of the structure of intersystem entities in the practice of states and the distinctive features of each of its stages.
Methods: The methodological basis of the study is composed of general scientific and special methods of enquiry, including the historical method, methods of formal logic, analysis, synthesis, as well as systemic, comparative legal and interpretation methods.
Results and Conclusions: In the 20th century – at the beginning of the 21st century, as part of the process through which states were forming intersystem legal entities and amid the dynamics of changes in their structural elements, three main stages can be distinguished, at each of which there are either fundamentally new types of intersystem entities (within the public law sphere), or the existing principles their formation (the virtual refusal to include the norms of foreign law into the regulation of relevant cross-border social relations) change, or qualitatively new structural elements emerge.
The research aims at explicating two discourses that are most important for solving global problems of humanity: biopolitics and human security. The authors, exploring the fundamental points of their conceptual framework, focus on the transformations of modern body politics. The similarity of the studied concepts is revealed. According to the authors, it consists in the sameness of their object, and the differences – in its interpretation. Biopolitics sees its interest in finding ways to control the impersonal "man in General", and human security – in its individuation. The measure of correlation of these concepts and their relation to the philosophical discourse about freedom is revealed. The author traces the dialectics of biopolitics and human security, the moments when the biopolitical discourse of "insured" and "uninsured" life intersects with the "colonizing" discourse of human security. It is concluded that the conflict of interests of the studied discourses is inevitable, none of them is able to "rise above the fray", having the opportunity to answer complex questions of human security. The measure of their effectiveness as an intellectual tool and practical mechanism for solving problems is illustrated in the article by biopolitics and human security policy in "fragile States" (the case of sub-Saharan Africa) and in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic.
В центре внимания данной монографии находятся дестабилизационные процессы, протекающие в модернизирующихся социально-политических системах. Настоящая работа представляет собой попытку учесть, насколько это возможно, влияние демографических, культурных, политических и экономических факторов на дестабилизацию такого рода систем. Монография состоит из трех частей. В первой части рассматриваются теоретические аспекты модернизации стран мир-системной периферии и полупериферии, а также связь модернизационных процессов с дестабилизационными. Во второй части представлены результаты количественного анализа и моделирования социально-политической динамики модернизирующихся систем. Наконец, в третьей части анализируется социально-политическая динамика отдельных стран и регионов. Монография будет интересна не только специалистам, но и всем, кто интересуется дестабилизационными процессами и революциями, их причинами, факторами и механизмами.
The article deals with the stages of development of intersystem formations created by states for the legal regulation of cross-border relations in the field of personal data protection during their cross-border transfers carried out with the use of new information and communications technologies. The study revealed four stages of the emergence and development of intersystem formations, starting with the establishment of the right to privacy as one of the most fundamental human rights. This right provided the basis for the emergence of a distinct human right - the right to protection of personal data and led to the creation of inter-system formations, consisting of the norms of the national law of a respective state, the international legal norms and the norms of foreign law, and also the corporate norms of individual legal entities. On the basis of the present research a conclusion is made that the right to personal data protection should be considered as a distinct fundamental human right, separated from the right to privacy. In addition, a hallmark of intersystem formations, created to regulate cross-border relations concerning the protection of personal data during the cross-border transfers with the help of new information and communication technologies, is that they include numerous corporate norms of individual legal entities authorized by international legal norms as the norms of law.
This article presents a study of the dynamics of the distribution of Chinese direct investment in high-tech industries within the EU. The influence of Chinese FDI on the EU regulatory policy and the specifics of bilateral relations between the PRC and the EU member states in the field of high technologies was also studied. In addition, the paper presents a brief forecast of the development of investment relations between the EU and the PRC. Based on data from the China Global Investment Tracker, the article analyzes the dynamics of Chinese investment flows to the EU in the time interval from 2005 to 2019. The distribution of Chinese investments by EU member states and sectors of national economies before and after the creation and implementation of China's strategy of economic development "One Belt - One Road". Using a structured semi-formalized online survey of employees of high-tech companies located in the EU, the paper describes the specifics of cooperation with Chinese investors, the personal attitude of survey participants to the growth of Chinese investment capital in the EU and the respondents' opinion on the prospects for the development of investment relations between the EU and PRC. Based on the results of the empirical analysis, the following conclusions were formed: China seeks to increase the export of capital to the EU, especially in the high-tech and infrastructure sectors. The EU's strategic response is to develop common regulatory rules. However, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe are interested in increasing Chinese investment inflows much more than their western neighbors, than they are increasing differentiation within the integration union. In addition, the implementation of the "One Belt - One Road" program in recent years has strengthened the positions of such southern European states as Italy, Greece, Portugal, as global information technology and infrastructure hubs within the framework of China-EU investment relations. At the same time, the consequences of Brexit, the global pandemic and the growth of protectionist sentiments of the EU leadership towards Chinese FDI will certainly have a negative impact on the volume of investment flows from China to the EU in the short term.
The paper analyses the role of ASEAN Business Advisory Council (ABAC) in stimulating transnational commercial exchanges in Southeast Asia as part of the establishment of the ASEAN Economic Community-2025. In like with this analytical focus, the authors start from revealing the specificity of the ASEAN Economic Community as a multilateral project tracing it from AEC-2015 to AEC-2025. The article argues that the role of the ABAC remains and will be defined by the overall evolution of ASEAN’s modality of cooperation reflecting its potential and limitations.
This paper is aimed at the development of a tool analysing the AAI results for the Russian older citizens from different population groups, as well as at identifying factors underlying the inequalities in active ageing outcomes by calculation the AAI on the national and individual levels. The adaptation of the methodology of the AAI to the individual-level data and the limitations of the approach are explicitly explained. The older generations of Russia show relatively high levels of education, financial security and engagement in family care, especially in the care to children. The most significant potential for development have employment, volunteering, political engagement, physical activity, lifelong learning and use of the Internet. The calculation of the AAI at the individual level has revealed significant inequalities in the degree of realisation of potential in different areas of active ageing. The results of the project provide scientific evidence for the implementation of policy measures in the target groups. The high correlation of the index values with human capital indicators (health and education) underlines the importance of the early interventions aimed at promoting and supporting human capital at the earlier stages of the life course till the old age. The substantial positive connection of employment with other forms of activity stresses the necessity of developing a package of activation policy measures aimed at the retention of older adults in the labour market. At the same time, the statistical analysis showed the absence of a “dilemma of choice” between certain types of activity of the older generation, for example, between caring for grandchildren and employment, or employment and volunteering - the potential in different areas may be increased simultaneously.
As scholars review ASEAN’s performance, as well as predict likely trends of its future development, the association’s response to the challenges presented by the Fourth Industrial Revolution becomes crucial. Assessing ASEAN’s pre-digital achievements as the foundation of its response to the emerging digital challenges, the authors specify the association’s current and prospective readiness to effectively cope with them. As distinguished from numerous writings on the aftereffects of the Fourth Industrial Revolution for ASEAN, the central argument of the chapter is as follows. The key vulnerability of ASEAN’s policy is the overlap of the long-standing and present ASEAN’s shortcomings as the central reason behind its insufficient preparedness to face the digital challenges rather than the seriousness of these problems per se. The academic novelty of the research comes from distinguishing an appropriate remedy to decrease this vulnerability.
The actuality and the academic significance of the research stem from the authors’ identification and analysis of issues critical for ASEAN’s future evolution. Among these issues, the pivotal are prospects for the association to lose its digital sovereignty as a result of the intensifying Sino-American contradictions over the digital issues, the emergence of new imbalances between and within Southeast Asian states with negative implications for the ASEAN Economic Community. The aftereffects of the on-going digitalization of economic exchanges for ASEAN’s multilateral dialogue platforms and initiatives in the economic and political-security sphere. The authors’ findings on this set of issues, as well as their assessment, determine the academic originality of the paper.
Chinese initiative "Belt and Road"
Global climate change is a key challenge to the global economy in the twenty-first century. To address it properly, a combination of mitigation and adaptation strategies is required. Although the responsibility for adaptation lies primarily with national governments (though, even here, poorer countries need international support), mitigation is one of the key fields of international cooperation. There is little chance that the fundamental objective of stopping global temperatures from rising more than 2 °С can be reached without a stable and comprehensive global governance system. The current international climate change regime based on the Paris Agreement is insufficient to prevent catastrophic climate change. Deeper cooperation between leading economies is especially necessary, including among those that are now reluctant to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.
Rural tourism is often considered to be a factor in the development tendencies of rural space, a factor in the development of agriculture, as well as a factor in reducing rural depopulation. The primary aim of the research was to look at the problems in financing sustainable rural tourism in the case study of Serbia. The secondary one was to analyze the factors that may influence the self-financing capacity of rural tourism service providers. The findings confirmed the main hypothesis that financial resources are a significant limitation of the development of sustainable rural tourism. It was found that there is a high correlation between the amount of income generated and the structure of the workforce. The results verified that rural tourism entities were not making sufficient investments due to lack of financial resources, ie, adequate financing modalities. It can be concluded thatin order to develop sustainable rural tourism, financial investments are needed, both at the level of service providers and at the macro level.
The global order, based on international governance and multilateral trade mechanisms in the aftermath of the Second World War, is changing rapidly and creating waves of uncertainty. This is especially true in higher education, a field increasingly built on international cooperation and the free movement of students, academics, knowledge, and ideas. Meanwhile, China has announced its plans for a "New Silk Road" (NSR) and is developing its higher education and research systems at speed. In this book an international and interdisciplinary group of scholars from Europe, China, the USA, Russia, and Australia investigate how academic mobility and cooperation is taking shape along the New Silk Road and what difference it will make, if any, in the global higher education landscape.
Opening chapters present the global context for the NSR, the development of Chinese universities along international models, and the history and outcomes of EU-China cooperation. The flows and patterns in academic cooperation along the NSR as they shape and have been shaped by China's universities are then explored in more detail. The conditions for Sino-foreign cooperation are discussed next, with an analysis of regulatory frameworks for cooperation, recognition, data, and privacy. Comparative work follows on the cultural traditions and academic values, similarities, and differences between Sinic and Anglo-American political and educational cultures, and their implications for the governance and mission of higher education, the role of critical scholarship, and the state and standing of the humanities in China. The book concludes with a focus on the "Idea of a University"; the values underpinning its mission, shape, and purpose, reflecting on the implications of China's rapid higher education development for the geo-politics of higher education itself.
Through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) it is obvious that China is crafting a new space for itself in the international system and becoming more assertive and confident in its international dealings, including in Eurasia, typically considered by Russia as its backyard. This raises the question of how the BRI is presented and perceived in Russia. The article explores this question by examining the coverage of the BRI in Russia’s major newspapers between 2013 and 2019. It traces the visibility of different topics in Russian media coverage of BRI and maps the shifts in its focus over six years. The article demonstrates that while the definition of BRI in Russian newspapers includes multiple and often contradictory discursive frames that compete with each, Sino-Russian cooperation in Eurasia and, specifically, Russian proposal of “linking up” of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and BRI are unanimously supported and approved as a strategy that suits Russia’s international status. Consequently, it can be concluded that Russian newspapers support the official narrative of Sino-Russian relations and follow trends rather than create them.
This paper explores the consequences of different policy assumptions and the derivation of globally consistent, national low-carbon development pathways for the seven largest greenhouse gas (GHG)–emitting countries (EU28 as a bloc) in the world, covering approximately 70% of global CO2 emissions, in line with their contributions to limiting global average temperature increase to well below 2 °C as compared with pre-industrial levels. We introduce the methodology for developing these pathways by initially discussing the process by which global integrated assessment model (IAM) teams interacted and derived boundary conditions in the form of carbon budgets for the different countries. Carbon budgets so derived for the 2011–2050 period were then used in eleven different national energy-economy models and IAMs for producing low-carbon pathways for the seven countries in line with a well below 2 °C world up to 2050. We present a comparative assessment of the resulting pathways and of the challenges and opportunities associated with them. Our results indicate quite different mitigation pathways for the different countries, shown by the way emission reductions are split between different sectors of their economies and technological alternatives.
On June 29, 2019, the Russian president Vladimir Putin and Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo met for the 26th time, this time at the G20 summit in Osaka. The long-standing territorial dispute between Russia and Japan continues to be an issue, but the dialogue revealed a few interesting trends. Abe emphasised “strategic importance” of strengthening relations with Moscow in political and economic sphere as well as that of joint projects on the disputed isles, which could eventually help facilitate the conclusion of a peace treaty. Putin also stressed the significance of bilateral documents signed during his visit to Japan. He asserted that expanding partnership and strategic communication, bilateral trade and investment cooperation would bring Russian-Japanese relations to a qualitatively new level. In this atmosphere, it would be possible to ‘find a compromise on the most difficult matters.’ It appears that both parties are delaying the territorial dispute resolution in the hope that building a firm partnership could help solve the problem.
Canadian politics is alive with references to what oil means to the country and its residents. However, the existing research only intermittently and often superficially discusses how Canada recognizes itself as a petrostate and negotiates its identities in relation to oil. Seeking to fill the gap, this paper offers a nuanced, dynamic, and comprehensive picture of Canadian discursive politics of oil on provincial, federal, and international levels. A systematic intertextual discourse analysis of this heterogeneous collection of texts allows us to achieve two major analytical goals: to reveal the discourses about energy resources that dominate in Canadian politics on federal and provincial levels and to differentiate them from the discourses that are marginalized or even suppressed.