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Sergey A. Karaganov
Deputy Dean (Academic Progress in Undergraduate and Master's Programmes)
Igor G. Kovalev
Deputy Dean (Finance and Administration)
Denis Anatolyevich Medvedev
Deputy Dean (Teaching and Learning and Postgraduate Programmes)
Deputy Dean for Admissions and Alumni Relations
While it is widely admitted that Afghanistan can contribute to connectivity in Eurasia, one may not also deny that Afghanistan’s regional role is dependent on regional conditions. This article takes Afghanistan’s security and geostrategic trends in Eurasia as the two major variables, defining conditions for Afghanistan’s regional role. They are reviewed and then synthesized as dependent and independent variable to form taxonomy of possible regional roles for Afghanistan.
My book examines the function and development of the cult of saints in Coptic Egypt. For this purpose I focus primarily on the material provided by the texts forming the Coptic hagiographical tradition of the early Christian martyr Philotheus of Antioch, and more specifically – the Martyrdom of St Philotheus of Antioch (Pierpont Morgan M583). This Martyrdom is a reflection of a once flourishing cult which is attested in Egypt by rich textual and material evidence. This text enjoyed great popularity not only in Egypt, but also in other countries of the Christian East, since his dossier includes texts in Coptic, Georgian, Ethiopic, and Arabic. This work examines the literary and historical background of the Martyrdom of Philotheus and similar hagiographical texts. It also explores the goals and concerns of the authors and editors of Coptic martyr passions and their intended audience. I am arguing that these texts were produced in order to perform multiple functions: to justify and promote the cult of a particular saint, as an educational tool, and as an important structural element of liturgical celebrations in honour of the saint.
The present article examines a recent advisory opinion handed down by the Eurasian Economic Union Court. In the remarkably bold decision, the Court continued to push for the construction of a veritable EAEU internal market. It managed, within one advisory opinion, to further the coherence of its internal market law reasoning, expand on the principles of direct effect and primacy as well as the horizontal effect of fundamental freedoms in EAEU law, provide important definitions in EAEU law, strengthen the authority of the Commission and its decisions and emphasize the duty of loyal cooperation of Member States for the full effectiveness and successful implementation of EAEU law. As only criticism, one may deplore the EAEU Court’s lack of effort to start building a coherent jurisprudence by means of referring to its own case law.
The trend on electricity grids digitalization is gradually leading to the shift of busi-ness value towards more sustainable and efficient electricity services. Sustainability and efficiency are challenged by the increasing demand for electricity which is fol-lowed by a dramatic transformation of energy systems. While smart grids seem to be crucial in this process, there is a discrepancy in understanding the costs and benefits for the multiple actors involved. In addition, there are benefits of smart grids that cannot be measured directly in terms of money, such as higher energy system reliabil-ity or commitment to carbon reduction. Despite the rise of interest to the managerial aspects of smart grids implementation and development, many aspects remain out of the scope. This paper contributes to the research of smart grids by providing a con-ceptualized business model that would allow for value co-creation, delivery and cap-ture. A Russian energy sector perspective is primarily considered throughout the pa-per and the results are supported by evidence from interviews with of industrial ex-perts
The article analyzes post-Soviet economic policy in the light of the previous periods of the Russian economic history. The authors find a striking similarity between the measures proposed by modern Russian economic liberals – as well as their consequences – and the actions taken by the Russian authorities during much earlier periods. They explain these similarities with the fact that “Western” terms can mean something very different in the context of a non-Western culture, phenomena and institutions with the same names in different types of societies can differ fundamentally and perform different functions. Furthermore, “Westernization” can be a purely superficial process intended more for show than for substance. By applying the methodology of substantivism which stresses the fundamental differences between economies based on gifts (reciprocity), redistribution, and exchange (market), they argue that Russia’s economy differs significantly from that of the countries of Western Europe and, in the typological sense, is closer to such European countries as Bulgaria, Albania, Romania, and Serbia. For this reason, similar measures of economic policy applied in Western Europe and Russia bring different results.
The two major methodological approaches to quantify the health of populations and the burden of disease globally and regionally are (1) exposure-based methods and (2) expert opinion-based methods. In exposure-based methods the relationships between exposure and response to specific risk factors are defined through epidemiologic studies and the estimated attributable fractions are used to generate disease burden expressed quantitatively. The Disability-Adjusted Life Years (DALYs), a composite measure of morbidity and mortality associated with risk factors, is a widely used has become a universal index of disease burden. Detailed assessment of disease burden using this approach has been produced for at least six environmental risk factors and five occupational risk factors at the global level. Expert opinion-based methods rely on systematic literature reviews and surveys of experts across disciplines and geopolitical regions, who are asked to judge which fraction of the total burden of disease can be attributed to environmental a specific factors. This approach has been used to estimate the fraction of disease burden that can be attributed to the environment within 85 out of 102 major disease categories identified by World Health Organization (WHO). While global burden of disease quantifies the amount of disease due to specific causes, global Environmental Burden of Disease (EBD) estimates which fraction of the total burden of disease can be attributed to environmental risks. Together, these studies are based on both methods have revealed considerable disparities across regions and countries in the Environmental Burden of Disease (EBD), ranging from one-tenth to more than two-thirds of the total burden of disease that can be prevented through improving environmental quality. These differences are not only caused by actual dissimilarities in underlying environmental quality, but also by differences in calculation approaches and assumptions made.
The study of economic growth and social inequality goes back to the works of S. Kuznets, A. Atkinson, P. Krugman, J. Stiglitz, T. Piketti, and B. Milanovic. Statistical analysis of social inequalities for a large set of countries, divided into seven clusters, was conducted for the period 2000–2016. The share of incomes of the 10th decile was used as a measure of inequality. The hypothesis of the positive impact of economic growth on the reduction of social inequality was tested. Stylized facts on an array of 106 countries for the period under review indicate a high degree of stability of the level of inequality in most groups, especially in the most developed countries, and in particular in the Anglo-Saxon ones. The distribution of key socioeconomic and even political indicators for clusters shows their strong relationship with the structure of cluster inequality. This makes it possible to significantly deepen the analysis, in particular the one concerning the stages of world development.
This book is based on the collection of articles centered around Russia and its policies. The articles are grouped under three parts. The first part contains articles on international relations, Russian foreign policy, and the situation in the world. The main themes they cover include Russian policy in Asia and the Eurasian integration — in which Moscow plays the most active role.
The second part looks at the theorization of Russia’s internal processes, issues concerning reforms to the communist system, its troubled transition from Communism, and analysis of the country’s current political regime. While elaborating on various reforms and transition from the communist system, the author has suggested certain alternatives concepts. Many of the articles analyze the shortcomings and inconsistencies of the modern Russian political system.
The third part is devoted to current issues in Russian politics, the democratization process, growing authoritarian tendencies, mass protests, and that evaluate the programs and policies of individual leaders. The book will be of interest to those specializing in Russian foreign and domestic policy as well as to all those interested in following the developments of this country, its role in the world, and the global situation in general.
The author argues that Russian–Chinese rapprochement is a fundamental feature of the current changing system of international relations. Apart from its own significance, it has become important because it stimulated and, in some cases, laid the foundation for many broader international processes: the creation of the multipolar world, the emergence of such international groups and organisations as BRICS and Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), the coordination between Eurasian Economic Union and the Chinese initiative of Silk Road Economic Belt and others. Recently, all these processes led to the idea of Greater Eurasia or Eurasian partnership.
The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) is relatively new regional integration block formed in the beginning of 2015 and now consists of five members (Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Russia). The main document that establishes the basic principles of the functioning of the EAEU is the Agreement on EAEU that also covers the specifics of application of non-tariff measures (NTMs) on a very aggregate level. Overall NTMs adopted within EAEU are equally applied by the members of the Union. But still these measures may find their reflection in the national legislation of the member-states.
In order to analyze EAEU NTMs two sources of information were used: website of the Eurasian Economic Commission and TRAINS/WITS database. They were used as complements and allowed to find the most up to date versions of the legal acts that cover trade- and NTM-related aspects of EAEU functioning.
The Republic of Kazakhstan became one of the first members of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) that was formed on January 1, 2015. As a full member this country had to change its legislation in accordance with the EAEU legal acts. This article is devoted to non-tariff measures (NTMs) applied by the Republic of Kazakhstan in the context of the Eurasian economic integration. The importance of NTM research is defined by the fact that excessive regulatory policies may result in decreased growth rates of economy and overall loss of welfare. UNCTAD’s database (TRAINS/WITS database) was used in order to analyze national NTMs. In total 239 national actively applied NTMs were analyzed and systematized. Most of them are either import-related technical measures (Technical barriers to trade - TBT, Sanitary and phytosanitary measures - SPS measures) or export-related technical measures. Together they account for approximately 94.8% of applied national NTMs. In addition to the analysis of NTMs in terms of their type and type of affected product, author revealed the correspondence of Kazakhstan’s national NTMs to basic principles of the World Trade Organization (WTO): most-favored nation (MFN) and national treatment clause. Thus our research determined measures that represent a violation of MFN principle or national treatment clause. So these NTMs may be barriers to trade of the Republic of Kazakhstan with the other countries. Further research of ad valorem equivalents (AVE) of the measures is required in order to determine the economic effects of the non-tariff measures applied by the Republic of Kazakhstan.
The Trump administration’s confrontational approach has prompted a serious debate in China about the country’s economic and political course.
The paper deals with social advertisement on HIV/AIDS, Ebola, and malaria in African cities. Each of these diseases is treated differently by the authors of advertisements in terms of key messages to citizens, ways of representation and emotional component. Billboards dedicated to Ebola and malaria are logical, consistent and easily understandable: they give a very clear instructions on the ways of protection from the diseases, although the advertising strategies in these two cases differ greatly (Ebola social advertising uses disturbing colors, splashes of red, multiple exclamation points, clearly indicating emergency situation and drawing people’s attention in a very aggressive way, while malaria social advertising is very calm and positive emotionally, it uses positive images, images of smiling people, smiling children, photos of famous people inspiring their fellow citizens to sleep under nets and care about their families). In case of HIV/AIDS various approaches to the problem are shown: examples of ABC strategy, useless abstract billboards without any message except for “Stop AIDS”, billboards widely using manipulation and false logic to motivate people to be tested for HIV. The authors of HIV/AIDS’ social advertisement to some extent face the same challenges, as the actual epidemiologists due to the way of transmission of the disease and it social character, issues of personal choice and sexual behavior, and in many cases they fail to succeed. However, successful examples with clear, efficient and consistent messages are also present.
The rise of China as well as its unprecedented economic success turned to be one of the most
important factors in the world development in the late XX and early XXI centuries and transformed the
country into the second most influential player on the international scene. This change caused a heated
debate within the country about the prospects of Beijing’s foreign policy and economic course, with two
major directions emerging as a result. The first group calls for a more active behaviour of China as a great
power on the international arena, taking the example of the United States. It strives to achieve this goal
through all available means, including military ones, to ensure China’s economic and political interests
abroad, to put forward its own alternative to Western concepts of world development, and to create
alternative trade and economic unions and zones. As a result, supporters of this line seek to move away
from Deng Xiaoping’s foreign policy of modesty and restraint. The second group of realists believes that it
is necessary to follow Deng’s principles, since the country is yet to secure the status of a major world power
and can lose its current advantages, which come with a more modest status. They suggest that following
the first path will provoke an unfavorable reaction of the international community. Chinese leadership
has taken an intermediate position in this debate, holding back the most radical proposals of the activists
and adopting some of the moderate ones. The debate, which has been vigorous since the beginning of the
XXI century became particularly acute after the start of the trade war initiated by U.S. President Donald
Trump. It revealed many of China’s weaknesses as well as its significant dependence on the United States.
During the exacerbation, a number of experts criticised certain aspects of domestic and foreign policy of
China’s current leadership, including the “belt and road initiative” initiative. Some claim that this initiative,
along with a number of other major projects adopted by the Chinese government, for instance, the “Made
in China 2025” plan, could have provoked Trump’s tough response, which may put China’s development
at stake. Some major Beijing’s partners are also criticising certain forms of realisation of this initiative. The
article examines the available sources shedding light on the public and non-public side of the debate, as well
as its possible implications for China’s foreign and domestic policy and Sino-Russian relations.